Insights into the structural working conditions of migrant workers in the construction industry

"Fabiu is a sturdy guy with a raspy voice and a challenging look. He works as a mason and has been living in Germany for almost ten years. 'Slavery' is the first word that comes to mind when he’s asked about his work here. 'Shit' is the second.", (1, Paragraph 5)

"I have a question: Isn’t the course of these things being left unchecked because Germany needs workers who are paid little or not at all? And then I wonder if this isn’t a disguised and controlled form of slavery." Elvis Iancu, April 2015, Mall of Shame (2, p. 27)

Introduction

The proportion of helpers on construction sites has risen sharply in recent years. This is not happening because the work on construction sites has become much easier or more automated, and largely consists of helper tasks (3).1No, skilled workers are classified as helpers in order to reduce their wages. This practice is primarily used by subcontractors for migrant workers, who often have less knowledge of the German legal system and sometimes lack secure residency status. As a result, they are even more vulnerable to exploitation2 .

What are helpers?

The terms 'helpers' and 'construction helpers' describe workers who perform supportive and semi-skilled tasks on construction sites: 'Simple or assisting tasks' such as 'transport, demolition, excavation, and cleaning work,' in other words, simply put, digging, moving things from A to B (possibly with a wheelbarrow, but not with a crane), cleaning, tearing down walls." (4)

This is clearly different from so-called 'professionally oriented tasks,' 'specialist tasks,' and 'expert tasks.' In the collective bargaining agreement, this is reflected in the lowest wage group 1, which is currently (as of April 2025) paid at €15.27 per hour (total collective wage). It is important to note that the wage group is based on the tasks performed, not the qualifications (see below).

The proportion of helpers in building construction (Hochbau) has risen from 28% to 40% between 2013 and 2022, while in civil engineering (Tiefbau), it has increased from 16% to 22% (2, p. 4). At the same time, the proportion of foreign workers in building construction has increased even more significantly, from 16% to 36% (3, p. 7). This does not mean that German workers have been replaced by migrant helpers— the number of German workers in construction has remained largely constant—but many helpers have been added in subcontractors. The fact that the increase in helpers is largely driven by migrant workers is shown in the chart below (3, p. 11). This is also an indication that the construction industry uses migrant workers as a 'flexible buffer' to balance fluctuations in the volume of work.

Among German workers, the proportion of helpers is around 30%. Among employees from the Western Balkans, Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria, it is significantly higher, with those from Romania and Bulgaria even exceeding 70%.3

Furthermore, so-called posted workers, whose companies are registered abroad, do not appear in the statistics. In 2023, the annual average number of such workers was a maximum of 39,000, with the total number of employment relationships for the year being around 83,000. (5, p. 7 & 9)

The Role of Subcontractor Chains

There has been a long-standing trend towards decentralization of construction services. While construction sites used to be managed by skilled workers at general contractors, tasks are increasingly being outsourced to subcontractors. Originally, general contractors used subcontractors to balance fluctuations in orders, but today, this has become the dominant strategy for cost and risk reduction:

It is no longer a cooperative outsourcing based on technical and organizational necessities, which has characterized the construction industry, but rather a purely cost-reduction-driven outsourcing of original core activities." (3, p. 12)

Companies are becoming more numerous and smaller ('decentralization of companies'), which means more companies are now involved on the same construction site. As a result, the number of legal relationships between companies increases. This gives rise to so-called subcontractor chains. On large construction sites, subcontractor chains with four, five, or six tiers are not uncommon. Part of the money that workers used to receive from general contractors now goes to the management and owners of the subcontractors. Another part remains with the general contractor to increase profits. This practice intensifies cost pressure on downstream companies.

The trend of decentralization also includes the pseudo-self-employment of individual workers, who are not subject to collective bargaining agreements and must take care of their own occupational safety.

The relationship between wage-dependent workers and companies

The employment relationships between workers and subcontractors are usually formally 'legal.' However, there is a shift from formal rules to personal ties and dependencies. This was also observed in the process of organizing Romanian workers in the FAU Berlin during the 'Mall of Shame' campaign between 2014 and 2019 (6 and FAU-Berlin).

Contracts between workers and subcontractors often exist only nominally or to create the appearance of legality in the face of inspections. Workers are often employed part-time by subcontractors but actually work full-time, including overtime. The contracts specify net wages, which means a fixed amount including all other usual allowances in the construction industry, such as hazard pay, bad weather allowances, holiday and night shift bonuses. However, these are often not paid in practice. Wage payments are usually made in cash. Reports from workers sometimes describe contracts specifying 20 hours per week while actually working 55 hours (3, p. 13).

Social and pension insurance contributions are paid based on the contractually agreed-upon wage, which is significantly lower than the wage that workers are actually entitled to based on the hours they have actually worked. As a result, pension entitlements, vacation days, vacation pay, and continued wage payments in case of illness or accidents are significantly lower than for full-time employees or are completely omitted.

In a survey of Romanian construction workers, only 28 out of 147 employment relationships met the industry minimum wage 2 (15.71€ in 2021), which was applicable to skilled workers until December 31, 2021. The others were paid at the rate for helpers – 74 of them with the lowest possible wage of 12.85€/hour in 2021 (3, p. 14). The abolition of the construction minimum wage in 2021 has further promoted wage dumping in the construction industry.

Another characteristic of the informal relationship between companies and workers is that companies provide accommodation for their skilled workers, for which they deduct additional money from their wages. This makes workers even more dependent on their companies, especially because it is particularly difficult for non-German individuals to find affordable rental housing in German cities.

The role of residency status and work permit

Roughly, three types of countries of origin for migrant workers can be distinguished. The largest group of migrant workers in the German construction sector generally comes from Poland, Romania, Croatia, and Bulgaria, i.e., from EU countries. A second, also large group, comes from countries that were important in the historical recruitment agreements starting in the 1950s, such as Turkey and the former Yugoslavia. A third growing category is non-EU countries, which have recently gained increasing significance, such as Albania.

Especially construction workers from these countries can be subjected to great precariousness: They often have difficulty orienting themselves independently in Germany at first, depend on job and accommodation agencies, which often operate through friends or acquaintances, and are potentially threatened with the loss of their residency status. Often, the responsible authority – the Financial Control of Illegal Work (FKS) – focuses on controlling the workers rather than the companies (7, p. 27). Migrant workers from third countries, therefore, potentially have to fear the discovery of their illegal residency status in addition to everything else.

These categorizations are difficult because the problems faced by individuals are very diverse. Some of them learn German quickly and thus move into responsible positions, while others work in isolation on smaller construction sites or only temporarily in the construction sector and then pursue further qualifications. Even construction workers from the third category can, for example, be employed legally under the so-called 'Western Balkans Regulation' (8).

Against nationalist interpretations on the construction site

Migrant workers often face significant disadvantages compared to employees who were raised in Germany: First, they do not speak the language, and as a result, they are dependent on their supervisors or employment agencies for information about processes, materials, etc. on the construction site. Second, they are unfamiliar with the German legal system and, by extension, their rights. As a result, foreign workers rely on practical learning experiences in their first years. Some migrant workers, who work as seasonal laborers, are not well trained professionally, cannot properly assess risks, and learn 'on-the-job.' Legally, however, this makes no difference: Compensation is based on the work performed, not formal qualifications.

The FES study describes the perception of migrant workers that there are two separate spheres of work: One with well-paid general contractors, where Germans work, and the other with exploited migrant workers. This perspective obscures the true dimension of exploitation through a national construction. The precariousness of migrant workers is often more extreme due to the factors described above, but they sometimes integrate themselves into work hierarchies. This is exemplified by employment agencies, which themselves act as subcontractors and have networks in Germany and contacts in their home countries. However, some workers also find other ways to pursue their work independently, for example as sole proprietors. Furthermore, this narrative obscures the fact that work on construction sites is also dangerous, physically harmful, and sometimes deadly for Germans.

The customs authorities, construction offices, and legal system are either unwilling or unable to protect migrant workers from exploitation. Union-affiliated, often state-funded institutions such as 'Arbeit und Leben' (9) or the advisory network 'Faire Mobilität' (10) often serve as a point of contact, acting as intermediaries between migrant workers and unions to legally combat severe cases of wage theft and exploitation. However, neither the root causes of the exploitation of migrant workers are actively addressed, nor does it currently seem that IG BAU (the Construction Workers' Union) is seriously trying to build a platform for labor struggles for non-German construction workers.

Outlook

The outlook for helpers on construction sites is grim. The system of many subcontractors with partly informal employment relationships has solidified, and working as a construction helper on construction sites is dangerous, even sometimes deadly. The recognition of qualifications and experience is difficult for a Romanian worker – they would have to take the exam in German. Neither the responsible Federal Ministry of Building nor the President of the Federal Office for Building and Regional Planning, Petra Wesseler, have any real interest in ensuring that work on construction sites is safe and dignified for all involved. The simplest and most effective way to improve conditions on construction sites – the legal clarification of general contractor and investor liability – falls under the jurisdiction of the new Minister of Building, Verena Hubertz. However, it is unlikely that the businesswoman, former PWC manager, and start-up founder and CEO will implement this.

What we are concerned about

Effective protection against the exploitation conditions outlined can only be achieved if construction workers organize across cultures and nationalities. Reducing language barriers plays a crucial role in this, as well as, ideally, the dismantling of closed labor markets. Free global migration would likely lead to the harmonization of working conditions.

We demand open borders instead of the isolation of privileged regions – at the same time, we fight for good working conditions for all. This may initially sound like a contradiction, because an overcrowded labor market certainly leads to stronger competition, thereby complicating struggles, such as those for higher collective wages. But migrants bring important labor struggle experience with them. And a call for isolation would lead to serious problems. How can struggles be successfully fought solely on a local or national level when the demands are internationally similar and movements mutually enrich one another because experiences circulate across borders?!

We are concerned with an active movement that reduces and ultimately overcomes exploitation – without excluding other regions of the world. On the contrary: success for all of us is only possible if we rise up together.

AG baufau

  1. This text is based on the study by Baumgarten, Beck & Firus 'Helpers or Skilled Workers? Migrant Workers in the German Construction Sector' (FES Study). It describes the problems faced by construction workers in a part of the construction industry (the building sector) in Germany. Nevertheless, we believe that this already reflects a large part of the exploitation to which migrant workers in the German construction sector in general are exposed. While the FES study starts from a market need – the shortage of skilled workers – for us, as a union of workers, the needs of ALL wage-dependent workers are the primary focus.
    ↩︎
  2. The term 'foreigners' can be misleading, as it only includes people without a German passport. However, this also includes people who were born in Germany or have lived in Germany for years or even decades. As the length of stay increases, so does the ability to navigate the system, and it becomes less likely to be affected by extreme exploitation. We do not have data that would allow for a precise analysis in this regard. Therefore, we use the term 'migrant workers' here.
    ↩︎
  3. Alle Ausführungen hier beziehen sich auf in Deutschland sozialversicherungspflichtige Arbeitskräfte. Daneben existieren andere Arbeitsverhältnisse wie Minijobs, illegale Arbeit und Scheinselbstständigkeit. ↩︎

Sources

(1) Lübbe, S. (2022). At the Bottom of the System. Report from the Rhine-Main Area. Online: https://taz.de/Reportage-aus-dem-Rhein-Main-Gebiet/!5897238/

(2) Elvis Iancu (2015). Speech by Elvis Iancu in April 2015 in front of the Mall of Shame in Berlin. Translation from Romanian. pp. 25-27. In:Lackus, H. & Schell, O. (2020). Mall of Shame. Kampf um Würde und Lohn. Rückblicke, Hintergründe, Ausblicke. Berlin: Die Buchmacherei.

(3) Baumgarten, M., Beck, L. & Firus, A. (2024). Helfer oder doch Fachkräfte? Migrantische Beschäftigte im deutschen Hochbau. FES diskurs. Mai 2024. Online: https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/a-p-b/21208.pdf

(4) Bundesagentur für Arbeit (2021). Klassifikation der Berufe 2010 – überarbeitete Fassung 2020. Band 2: Definitorischer und beschreibender Teil. Nürnberg, November 2021. Online: https://statistik.arbeitsagentur.de/DE/Statischer-Content/Grundlagen/Klassifikationen/Klassifikation-der-Berufe/KldB2010-Fassung2020/Printausgabe-KldB-2010-Fassung2020/Generische-Publikationen/KldB2010-PDF-Version-Band2-Fassung2020.pdf?__blob=publicationFile&v=21

(5) SOKA-BAU (2024) SOKA-BAU Informationen 2023. Online: https://api.soka-bau.de/fileadmin/Dokumente/geschaeftsbericht_soka-bau_2023.pdf (letzter Zugriff 29.07.2025).

(6) Lackhus, H. & Schell, O. (2020). Mall of Shame. Kampf um Würde und Lohn – Rückblicke, Hintergründe und Ausblicke. Berlin: Die Buchmacherei.

(7) Seitz, T. (2022). Between Guardian and Punisher: The Role of the German Inspectorate Finanzkontrolle Schwarzarbeit for Migrant Workers, Masterarbeit, Universität Linköping, https://liu.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1707636/FULLTEXT01.pdf (17.06.2025).

(8) Bundesagentur für Arbeit (2025). Westbalkanregelung. Online: https://www.arbeitsagentur.de/unternehmen/fachkraefte-ausland/westbalkanregelung (17.06.2025).

(9) Arbeit und Leben e.V. DGB/VHS. Beratungsnetzwerk Gute Arbeit. Online: https://arbeitundleben.de/arbeitsfelder/beratungsnetzwerk (24.06.2025).

(10) Faire Mobilität. Online: https://www.faire-mobilitaet.de/ (24.06.2025).

Abolish Parliament! Update on the Wave of Rebellion in Indonesia (Statement von Perhimpunan Merdeka)

We are sharing here a post from the Asia Working Group of the ICL. The ICL is an international trade union federation in which the FAU is organized. The following content was also published in several languages on globalmayday.net In response to the recent wave of militant protests across Indonesia, the anarchist organization Perhimpunan Merdeka (in English: Freedom Association) published the following statement.

Anyone who wants to learn more about the current political developments in Indonesia can check out this well-made introduction to the topic by Warfronts. diese gut gemachte Einführung zu dem Thema von Warfronts ansehen.

Abolish Parliament!
Update on the Wave of Rebellion in Indonesia

This wave of rebellion, starting in late August 2025, was caused by the accumulation of anger over various political and economic issues. There was no single issue. Everything escalated with a massive increase in house taxes across the region, due to the government’s budget deficit. At the same time, members of parliament received a tenfold increase in wages. This was exacerbated by officials’ often arbitrary statements. For example, the Regent of Pati said that taxes would not be reduced, even if a mass demonstration of 50,000 people took place. Pati was the first city to explode with a turnout of around 100,000 people on August 10, 2025. Protests against the tax increase spread to Bone, then to other cities. During a demonstration in Jakarta, an online transportation worker was killed after being run over by a police vehicle. The following day, demonstrations spread to many cities, and they continue to this day as we publish the update. At least ten civilians were killed, several officials’ homes were looted, and half a dozen House of Representative offices were partially burned or burned to the ground. We were confident this rebellion would subside, but the public’s anger did not.

There are too many organizations, networks, and groups formulating demands. Even each city has its own unique demands. There are two revolutionary demands: the first from the Perserikatan Sosialis (PS), and the other, a loose, informal, and decentralized network that issued the Declaration of the Indonesian Federalist Revolution 2025 , which calls for the dissolution of the unitary state and the DPR system and its replacement with a Democratic Confederalism of thousands of people’s councils for the implementation of direct democracy. Progressive liberals call for a more reformist call, the 17+8 demand. Insurrectionary anarchists, individualists, and post-leftists focus on attacks and street clashes, calling for the destruction of the state and civilization, but without bothering with a platform or program. There is no united front, but we avoid excessive ideological sectarianism.

While there’s no single issue, the discourse simultaneously centers on three: tax increases, police violence, and, most importantly, the dissolution of the House of Representatives. Perhimpunan Merdeka hasn’t yet taken a position, but it’s participating in every demonstration in its respective cities and using it to expand its network. We are calling for the global people’s movements solidarity to support our struggle in Indonesia through a variety of tactics and methods.

Long live the revolution!

This statement was originally published on perhimpunanmerdeka.org.

By the way, thousands of riders accompanied the funeral of Affan, also a rider, who was killed by cops on August 28th.

Strike won at Jeremias in Gniezno!

For almost six weeks, management refused to negotiate with its colleagues at the Jeremias plant in Giezno. While the Wassertrüdingen site was pretending to be all sunshine and roses with a family celebration, the company was not ashamed to use prisoners to break the strike, hired an American law firm known for its anti-union practices, fired union members and labour inspectors, and declared the union’s demands and the strike illegal. The company ignored local court rulings, labor inspections, and the opinions of the Polish Ministry of Labor.

Ultimately, all of this was of no use to management: On Monday, the employees were able to successfully end the dispute, which was being held with the support of the IP, with a good result!

  • 700 PLN(164,90 EUR) payraise instead of the 800 PLN demanded
  • a 20 Minuten payed break of the originaly 30 min one, was able to be negotiated
  • all Saturdays except one per month are recorded as overtime and not as unpaid as before

It turns out, fighting is worth it! And yet there’s still plenty of work to do in the future for our Polish colleagues!

And Wassertrüdingen?

Marcin Mróz, Managing Director and Board Member of Jeremias in Gniezno, is already laying the basis: „We are waiting for the trend to reverse, for the market to recover, and for us to be able to recoup the losses we have suffered.“ This sounds bad for all locations. It’s no coincidence that there is a large number of temporary and contract workers here, especially from Poland. Their jobs can be „adapted“ to meet the needs of the „market“ without regard for the interests of the employees.

Here, too, it is necessary for all employees to take to heart the „secret of success“ of the Gnieszno workforce: Ultimately, they were only successful through their organization in the IP, our Polish sister union. However, the strike in Gniezno has shown again that management is not giving the workforce anything for free.

Under Polish law, workers do not receive any pay for the days of the strike unless management subsequently agrees to pay them. The low wages are insufficient to support their families during the strike. The IP is still small and consists of workers who often earn only the Polish minimum wage. So, if you have the opportunity, please help us with a donation of any amount so we can support our members: www.zrzutka.pl/m2xrgk. If you have any problems with transfering, please write us at finanse@ozzip.pl or transfer the amount directly to our bank account, with the reference „Support for the strike at Jeremias.“

OZZ Inicjatywa Pracownicza, IBAN PL88 2130 0004 2001 0577 6570 0001, BIC/SWIFT-Code: INGBPLPW

Crowdfunding: Distribution inside the factories started!

For the past few months we managed to raise 20 000 Euros, a big share of this sum was covered by the International Confederation of Labour (ICL-CIT). For 10 000 Euros, the FGWM already ordered pads and started distributing inside factories them: 5 packages each to 5 000 workers in total. It was the FGWM who approached us with this idea in the first place and asked the FAU/ICL to support their actions.

While the fundraiser kicked off already, a severe earthquake hit Myanmar. Many houses and urban infrastructure were destroyed. Consequently we decided to open up the fundraiser to additionally support 200 families of workers who are affected by the earthquake with powerbanks, tarps and mosquito nets. Again, it were the members of FGWM who told us what they needed and what we should collect the funds for.

We are aware of the complexity when it comes to organizing money flows from people in “the West” to people in Southeast Asia, since such projects always contain hierarchies. At the same time we acknowledge that much of the wealth is accumulated in “the West” because of the exploitation in poverty striken regions with very low wages. Therefore we see a clear responsibility on our part to organize redistribution. Even if this is just a tiny share, we try to make a step towards the right direction.

We don't do charity: At the same time, we support the fight of our comrades who are fighting for a life of dignity. We organize demonstrations, like the one on March 8th in Hamburg, in front of the stores of brands whose labels are printed on products made in Myanmar, such as Only, H&M, Zara, Hunkemöller, NewYorker, Lululemon, and Adidas. In labor struggles, we address the management of the brands and factories on various levels. And occasionally, we raise money. As people in a more privileged part of the world – like Europe – we are directly connected to the sweat and labor of factory workers through the supply chain. Therefore, we have the responsibility to do our part in ending exploitation.

The comrades need support to keep up their struggles. Together we already raised money to finance safe houses, support for families of union members who lost their jobs because of their involvement in protests, pay for medical treatment or plan organizing workshops for workers. With our last fundraiser menstrual products were provided because the workers could not afford them anymore and risked infections when using left over fabric from the factories instead.

At the same time we – comrades of FAU and comrades of FGWM – rallied for free availability of menstrual products inside the factories, clean sanitary facilities and menstrual leave. Hang Kei factory – producing for Hunkemöller – did react and since May 2025 the toilets get cleaned regularly, there are menstrual pads in the factory clinic for all who need them, they installed ACs and there is a room for mothers who are nursing. It’s only one factory of many that we were reaching out to, but it is a start! Die Fabrik Hang Kei, die für Hunkemöller produziert, hat reagiert und seit Mai 2025 werden die Toiletten regelmäßig geputzt, es werden Binden in der Fabrik bereitgestellt für alle, die sie brauchen, es wurden Klimaanlagen installiert und es gibt einen Rückzugsraum für stillende Mütter. Es ist nur eine von vielen Fabriken, an die wir uns gewandt haben, aber es ist ein Anfang!

We need more comrades who support our joined actions so we can put more pressure on brands and factory owners around the world. It’s worth it.

Thank you all for supporting us!

Further information can be found here: https://www.fgwm-solidarity.org/

Solidarity is our weapon!
Dare to fight – dare to win!

FAU Bremen – Our New Local Section

FAU Bremen has been active since July 12, 2025, as a local section of FAU Hannover, advocating for the rights of workers in Bremen and the surrounding areas. As an independent grassroots union, they pursue a solidarity-based and direct approach to labor rights. They are part of the nationwide union federation FAU, fighting for better working conditions, more participation, and against exploitation.

If you’re interested in organizing and getting active, feel free to contact them at fauhb-kontakt@fau.org.
Join, get involved, and help shape the change!

Streik bei Chiquita – Bericht aus Panama


In Panama streiken seit über zwei Monaten verschiedene Gewerkschaften und Arbeiter*innen von Chiquita gegen eine geplante Rentenreform. Tausende Mitarbeiter*innen wurden daraufhin vom Konzern entlassen.

Die Regierung Panamas hat in der betroffenen Provinz Bocas del Toro wegen der anhaltenden Proteste der Arbeiter*innen den Ausnahmezustand verhängt, was empfindliche Einschränkungen der Versammlungs- und Bewegungsfreiheit zur Folge hat.

Hinrich Schultze wird das Land vorstellen und von den aktuellen Kämpfen am 25.07.25 einen Vortrag in der schwarzen Katze berichten.

Der Vortrag beginnt um 20:00 Uhr

Einlass ist ab 19:00 Uhr, es wird eine Küfa geben.

Eure FAU Hamburg

Solidarität mit Jeremias – FAU Hamburg unterstützt Kolleg*innen in Gniezno, Polen bei ihrem Streik

Die FAU Hamburg und die FAU Lübeck sind solidarisch mit dem Streik der polnischen Kolleg*innen unserer Schwestergewerkschaft Inicjatywa Pracownicza (IP) in der Firma Jeremias in Gniezno! Seit dem 3. Juni streiken 80% der Produktionsarbeiter*innen in dem 300 Beschäftigten zählenden Werk. Sie kämpfen für 180 Euro monatliche Lohnerhöhung, längere bezahlte Pausen und dass die Überstunden nach einem Monat ausbezahlt werden, nicht erst nach einem Jahr.

Wir sehen es als unsere Aufgabe, über den Streik und die schlimmen Arbeitsbedingungen zu informieren und eine Gegenöffentlichket über die deutsche Muttergesellschaft Jeremias Abgastechnik GmbH mit Sitz in Wassertrüdingen, Bayern, zu schaffen. Die Jeremias-Geschäftsführer Stefan Engelhardt, Wolfgang Geiser und Christoph Wißmüller müssen den Forderungen der streikenden Arbeiter*innen in Gniezno umgehend zustimmen, die zwei entlassenen Mitglieder der IP wieder einstellen und die US-Anwaltskanzlei Littler zurückpfeifen.

Wir teilen die Forderungen unserer polnischen Kolleg*innen in Gänze und rufen alle Syndikate und Sektionen der FAU auf, sich anzuschließen.

Als Zeichen unserer Solidarität werden wir 500 Euro in den Streikfonds der Kolleg*innen einzahlen.

Haltet durch, wir stehen solidarisch an Eurer Seite! Solidarność na zawsze!

FAU Hamburg und FAU Lübeck

Solidarity and support for our Polish colleagues and their strike

The FAU Hamburg and the FAU Lübeck are in solidarity with the strike of the Polish colleagues of our sister union Inicjatywa Pracownicza (IP) at the Jeremias company in Gniezno! Since June 3, 80% of the production workers at the plant, which employs 300 people, have been on strike. They are fighting for a 180 euro monthly wage increase, longer paid breaks and for overtime to be paid out after one month, not after one year.

We see it as our task to inform about the strike and the terrible working conditions and to create a counter-publicity about the German parent company Jeremias Abgastechnik GmbH, based in Wassertrüdingen, Bavaria. The Jeremias managing directors Stefan Engelhardt, Wolfgang Geiser and Christoph Wißmüller must immediately agree to the demands of the striking workers in Gniezno, reinstate the two dismissed members of the IP and call off the US law firm Littler.

We fully share the demands of our Polish colleagues and call on all syndicates and sections of the FAU to join in solidarity.

As a sign of our solidarity, we will pay 500 euros into the colleagues‘ strike fund.

Hang in there, we stand by your side in solidarity! Solidarność na zawsze!

FAU Hamburg and FAU Lübeck

Solidaridad y apoyo a nuestros compañeros polacos y a su huelga

¡La FAU de Hamburgo y la FAU de Lübeck se solidarizan con la huelga de los compañeros polacos de nuestro sindicato hermano Inicjatywa Pracownicza (IP) en la empresa Jeremias de Gniezno! Desde el 3 de junio, el 80% de los trabajadores de producción de la planta, que emplea a 300 personas, están en huelga. Luchan por un aumento salarial mensual de 180 euros, pausas pagadas más largas y que las horas extraordinarias se paguen al cabo de un mes, no de un año.

Consideramos que nuestra tarea es informar sobre la huelga y las terribles condiciones de trabajo y crear una contrapublicidad sobre la empresa matriz alemana Jeremias Abgastechnik GmbH, con sede en Wassertrüdingen (Baviera). Los directores generales de Jeremias, Stefan Engelhardt, Wolfgang Geiser y Christoph Wißmüller, deben acceder inmediatamente a las demandas de los trabajadores en huelga de Gniezno, readmitir a los dos miembros despedidos del PI y desistir del bufete de abogados estadounidense Littler.

Compartimos plenamente las reivindicaciones de nuestros compañeros polacos y hacemos un llamamiento a todos los sindicatos y secciones de la FAU para que se unan en solidaridad.

Como muestra de nuestra solidaridad, ingresaremos 500 euros en el fondo de huelga de los compañeros

Aguantad, ¡estamos a vuestro lado en solidaridad! ¡Solidarność na zawsze!

FAU Hamburgo y FAU Lübeck

Solidarność i wsparcie dla naszych polskich kolegów i ich strajku

FAU Hamburg i FAU Lubeka solidaryzują się ze strajkiem polskich kolegów z naszego siostrzanego związku Inicjatywa Pracownicza (IP) w firmie Jeremias w Gnieźnie! Od 3 czerwca strajkuje 80% pracowników produkcyjnych w zakładzie zatrudniającym 300 osób. Walczą oni o podwyżkę wynagrodzeń o 180 euro miesięcznie, dłuższe płatne przerwy oraz o to, by nadgodziny były wypłacane po miesiącu, a nie po roku.

Uważamy, że naszym zadaniem jest informowanie o strajku i strasznych warunkach pracy oraz tworzenie kontrreklamy na temat niemieckiej spółki macierzystej Jeremias Abgastechnik GmbH z siedzibą w Wassertrüdingen w Bawarii. Dyrektorzy zarządzający Jeremias, Stefan Engelhardt, Wolfgang Geiser i Christoph Wißmüller, muszą natychmiast zgodzić się na żądania strajkujących pracowników w Gnieźnie, przywrócić do pracy dwóch zwolnionych członków IP i odwołać amerykańską kancelarię prawną Littler.

W pełni podzielamy żądania naszych polskich kolegów i wzywamy wszystkie syndykaty i sekcje FAU do solidarności.

Na znak naszej solidarności wpłacimy 500 euro na fundusz strajkowy kolegów.

Trzymajcie się, stoimy solidarnie po waszej stronie! Solidarność na zawsze!

FAU Hamburg i FAU Lubeka

Solidarität mit dem Streik bei Jeremias in Polen!

Solidarität mit dem Streik der polnischen Kolleg* innen unserer Schwestergewerkschaft Inicjatywa Pracownicza (IP) in der Firma Jeremias in Gniezno! Seit dem 3. Juni streiken 80% der Produktionsarbeiter*innen in dem 300 Beschäftigten zählenden Werk. Sie kämpfen für 180 Euro monatliche Lohnerhöhung, längere bezahlte Pausen und dass die Überstunden nach einem Monat ausbezahlt werden, nicht erst nach einem Jahr.

Die deutsche Muttergesellschaft Jeremias Abgastechnik GmbH mit Sitz in Wassertrüdingen, Bayern hat ihren Umsatz zwischen 2015 und 2023 von 64 auf 210 Millionen Euro mehr als verdreifacht. Der fünfköpfige Vorstand der polnischen Tochterfirma zahlte sich selbst in 2024 über 1,8 Millionen Złoty (eine knappe halbe Million in Euro) aus. Gleichzeitig sollen die polnischen Arbeiter*innen mit Löhnen unter Branchendurchschnitt die Gewinne erwirtschaften. Das Unternehmen kassiert sogar staatliche Beihilfen für Gefangenenarbeit.

Der Arbeitskonflikt dauert bereits über acht Monate und mündete am 3.6. nach erfolgreicher Urabstimmung in den jetzigen Streik. Die Geschäftsführung hat zwei Gewerkschafter der IP entlassen und versucht die Streikenden in einem Lagerhaus ohne Wasserzugang zu isolieren. Sie droht mit Produktionsverlagerung und hat die US-Anwaltskanzlei Littler beauftragt, die Rechtmäßigkeit des Streiks anzufechten.

Die Kolleg_innen arbeiten unter schwierigen und gefährlichen Bedingungen mit schweren Metallteilen und schädlichen Chemikalien. Die schlechten Arbeitsbedingungen in Polen drücken auch die Standards in Deutschland. Deshalb rufen wir als FAU und IP besonders die deutschen Kolleg*innen im Stammwerk Wassertrüdingen auf: Lasst euch nicht als Streikbrecher missbrauchen! Der Streik in Gniezno ist auch im Interesse der Beschäftigten in Wassertrüdingen.

Unterstützt den Streik:

Solidarity Forever! Solidarność na zawsze!
FAU Hamburg

Bundeskongress der FAU

Wie jedes Jahr sind wir aus Hamburg am Pfingstwochenende zum Bundeskongress der FAU gefahren. Wir haben über unsere Strategien für die kommenden Jahre diskutiert, haben wichtige Mandate neu besetzt und an Konzepten für Mitgliedereinbindung, Betriebsarbeit, Awareness und anderen Themen gearbeitet. Aber auch der informelle Austausch mit Genossis aus allen Regionen der Bundesrepuplik war sehr schön und aufbauend. Gemeinsam lernen wir aus unseren Erfolgen und Niederlagen und sind nach diesem motivierenden Event wieder voller Tatendrang für eine bessere Welt für uns alle zu kämpfen.