We send our solidarity to our rebellios comrades in Spain!

The CDU plans to target ALL farmworkers; the IGG says, “Not with us!”

On February 26, 2026, according to media reports, the CDU party convention in Stuttgart voted² unanimously in favor of a motion to deny foreign seasonal workers the minimum wage. This is an attack on the wage levels of all workers in the industry. The trade union initiative IGG-FAU condemns this latest move and is threatening nationwide actions. It has been calling for a €15 minimum wage for all workers in the industry since 2025.³

Jasmin Hofer, a spokesperson for the IGG: “With its attacks on the retirement age, the 8-hour workday, part-time regulations, sick leave, unemployment benefits, and much more, the CDU is increasingly positioning itself as a party opposed to the rights of all wage earners. Now German workers are being pitted against foreign workers. But experience shows that when wages fall for one group, the overall wage level falls for everyone. Incidentally, this is happening in the very industry that feeds us and where there are constant complaints about a shortage of skilled workers.”

“Ultimately, no one who voted for this motion should be allowed to buy asparagus or strawberries anymore,” said Hofer, “but for now, we’re planning other union campaigns against the party. We’re also keeping a close eye on the SPD as a coalition partner, of course.”

Migrant seasonal workers, in particular, account for about one-third of the agricultural workforce in Germany. They work primarily in labor-intensive specialty crops and on small to medium-sized farms. They are already among the occupational groups with the lowest pay, the longest workdays, and the highest number of (often fatal) accidents.⁴ The IGG is calling for full parity in employment conditions for migrant seasonal workers, including social security, wages, and labor rights. In its policy statement, the union voted in May 2025 to fight for a minimum wage of €15 for all workers in horticulture, forestry, agriculture, and environmental professions.

1. https://gruene-gewerke.fau.org/?p=642 ︎
2. https://www.fr.de/wirtschaft/mindestlohn-soll-nicht-mehr-fuer-alle-gelten-cdu-parteitag-der-zr-94180686.html ︎
3. The IGG's demands regarding company policy can be found here: https://gruene-gewerke.fau.org/?page_id=426 ︎
4. In 2021 and 2023, 125 colleagues in the green sector lost their lives; in 2022, the number was 117. https://www.wochenblatt-dlv.de/feld-stall/landtechnik/toedliche-unfaelle-landwirtschaft-landwirte-wissen-muessen-579569 ︎

The court hearing on the reinstatement of the dismissed colleagues is now approaching. Despite the company's threat that the union would not be able to maintain its actions for a year, until the trial began, these actions have not only been maintained but expanded—thanks in part to the support of many CNT Spain unions and several IKA unions (IKA = International Confederation of Labor, our international federation). Ahead of the court hearing on March 25, 2026, CNT Spain is calling for international solidarity to increase pressure on NH Hotels.

"I have a question: Isn’t the course of these things being left unchecked because Germany needs workers who are paid little or not at all? And then I wonder if this isn’t a disguised and controlled form of slavery." Elvis Iancu, April 2015, Mall of Shame (2, p. 27)

Introduction

The proportion of helpers on construction sites has risen sharply in recent years. This is not happening because the work on construction sites has become much easier or more automated, and largely consists of helper tasks (3).¹No, skilled workers are classified as helpers in order to reduce their wages. This practice is primarily used by subcontractors for migrant workers, who often have less knowledge of the German legal system and sometimes lack secure residency status. As a result, they are even more vulnerable to exploitation² .

What are helpers?

The terms 'helpers' and 'construction helpers' describe workers who perform supportive and semi-skilled tasks on construction sites: 'Simple or assisting tasks' such as 'transport, demolition, excavation, and cleaning work,' in other words, simply put, digging, moving things from A to B (possibly with a wheelbarrow, but not with a crane), cleaning, tearing down walls." (4)

This is clearly different from so-called 'professionally oriented tasks,' 'specialist tasks,' and 'expert tasks.' In the collective bargaining agreement, this is reflected in the lowest wage group 1, which is currently (as of April 2025) paid at €15.27 per hour (total collective wage). It is important to note that the wage group is based on the tasks performed, not the qualifications (see below).

The proportion of helpers in building construction (Hochbau) has risen from 28% to 40% between 2013 and 2022, while in civil engineering (Tiefbau), it has increased from 16% to 22% (2, p. 4). At the same time, the proportion of foreign workers in building construction has increased even more significantly, from 16% to 36% (3, p. 7). This does not mean that German workers have been replaced by migrant helpers— the number of German workers in construction has remained largely constant—but many helpers have been added in subcontractors. The fact that the increase in helpers is largely driven by migrant workers is shown in the chart below (3, p. 11). This is also an indication that the construction industry uses migrant workers as a 'flexible buffer' to balance fluctuations in the volume of work.

Among German workers, the proportion of helpers is around 30%. Among employees from the Western Balkans, Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria, it is significantly higher, with those from Romania and Bulgaria even exceeding 70%.³

Furthermore, so-called posted workers, whose companies are registered abroad, do not appear in the statistics. In 2023, the annual average number of such workers was a maximum of 39,000, with the total number of employment relationships for the year being around 83,000. (5, p. 7 & 9)

The Role of Subcontractor Chains

There has been a long-standing trend towards decentralization of construction services. While construction sites used to be managed by skilled workers at general contractors, tasks are increasingly being outsourced to subcontractors. Originally, general contractors used subcontractors to balance fluctuations in orders, but today, this has become the dominant strategy for cost and risk reduction:

It is no longer a cooperative outsourcing based on technical and organizational necessities, which has characterized the construction industry, but rather a purely cost-reduction-driven outsourcing of original core activities." (3, p. 12)

Companies are becoming more numerous and smaller ('decentralization of companies'), which means more companies are now involved on the same construction site. As a result, the number of legal relationships between companies increases. This gives rise to so-called subcontractor chains. On large construction sites, subcontractor chains with four, five, or six tiers are not uncommon. Part of the money that workers used to receive from general contractors now goes to the management and owners of the subcontractors. Another part remains with the general contractor to increase profits. This practice intensifies cost pressure on downstream companies.

The trend of decentralization also includes the pseudo-self-employment of individual workers, who are not subject to collective bargaining agreements and must take care of their own occupational safety.

The relationship between wage-dependent workers and companies

The employment relationships between workers and subcontractors are usually formally 'legal.' However, there is a shift from formal rules to personal ties and dependencies. This was also observed in the process of organizing Romanian workers in the FAU Berlin during the 'Mall of Shame' campaign between 2014 and 2019 (6 and FAU-Berlin).

Contracts between workers and subcontractors often exist only nominally or to create the appearance of legality in the face of inspections. Workers are often employed part-time by subcontractors but actually work full-time, including overtime. The contracts specify net wages, which means a fixed amount including all other usual allowances in the construction industry, such as hazard pay, bad weather allowances, holiday and night shift bonuses. However, these are often not paid in practice. Wage payments are usually made in cash. Reports from workers sometimes describe contracts specifying 20 hours per week while actually working 55 hours (3, p. 13).

Social and pension insurance contributions are paid based on the contractually agreed-upon wage, which is significantly lower than the wage that workers are actually entitled to based on the hours they have actually worked. As a result, pension entitlements, vacation days, vacation pay, and continued wage payments in case of illness or accidents are significantly lower than for full-time employees or are completely omitted.

In a survey of Romanian construction workers, only 28 out of 147 employment relationships met the industry minimum wage 2 (15.71€ in 2021), which was applicable to skilled workers until December 31, 2021. The others were paid at the rate for helpers – 74 of them with the lowest possible wage of 12.85€/hour in 2021 (3, p. 14). The abolition of the construction minimum wage in 2021 has further promoted wage dumping in the construction industry.

Another characteristic of the informal relationship between companies and workers is that companies provide accommodation for their skilled workers, for which they deduct additional money from their wages. This makes workers even more dependent on their companies, especially because it is particularly difficult for non-German individuals to find affordable rental housing in German cities.

The role of residency status and work permit

Roughly, three types of countries of origin for migrant workers can be distinguished. The largest group of migrant workers in the German construction sector generally comes from Poland, Romania, Croatia, and Bulgaria, i.e., from EU countries. A second, also large group, comes from countries that were important in the historical recruitment agreements starting in the 1950s, such as Turkey and the former Yugoslavia. A third growing category is non-EU countries, which have recently gained increasing significance, such as Albania.

Especially construction workers from these countries can be subjected to great precariousness: They often have difficulty orienting themselves independently in Germany at first, depend on job and accommodation agencies, which often operate through friends or acquaintances, and are potentially threatened with the loss of their residency status. Often, the responsible authority – the Financial Control of Illegal Work (FKS) – focuses on controlling the workers rather than the companies (7, p. 27). Migrant workers from third countries, therefore, potentially have to fear the discovery of their illegal residency status in addition to everything else.

These categorizations are difficult because the problems faced by individuals are very diverse. Some of them learn German quickly and thus move into responsible positions, while others work in isolation on smaller construction sites or only temporarily in the construction sector and then pursue further qualifications. Even construction workers from the third category can, for example, be employed legally under the so-called 'Western Balkans Regulation' (8).

Against nationalist interpretations on the construction site

Migrant workers often face significant disadvantages compared to employees who were raised in Germany: First, they do not speak the language, and as a result, they are dependent on their supervisors or employment agencies for information about processes, materials, etc. on the construction site. Second, they are unfamiliar with the German legal system and, by extension, their rights. As a result, foreign workers rely on practical learning experiences in their first years. Some migrant workers, who work as seasonal laborers, are not well trained professionally, cannot properly assess risks, and learn 'on-the-job.' Legally, however, this makes no difference: Compensation is based on the work performed, not formal qualifications.

The FES study describes the perception of migrant workers that there are two separate spheres of work: One with well-paid general contractors, where Germans work, and the other with exploited migrant workers. This perspective obscures the true dimension of exploitation through a national construction. The precariousness of migrant workers is often more extreme due to the factors described above, but they sometimes integrate themselves into work hierarchies. This is exemplified by employment agencies, which themselves act as subcontractors and have networks in Germany and contacts in their home countries. However, some workers also find other ways to pursue their work independently, for example as sole proprietors. Furthermore, this narrative obscures the fact that work on construction sites is also dangerous, physically harmful, and sometimes deadly for Germans.

The customs authorities, construction offices, and legal system are either unwilling or unable to protect migrant workers from exploitation. Union-affiliated, often state-funded institutions such as 'Arbeit und Leben' (9) or the advisory network 'Faire Mobilität' (10) often serve as a point of contact, acting as intermediaries between migrant workers and unions to legally combat severe cases of wage theft and exploitation. However, neither the root causes of the exploitation of migrant workers are actively addressed, nor does it currently seem that IG BAU (the Construction Workers' Union) is seriously trying to build a platform for labor struggles for non-German construction workers.

Outlook

The outlook for helpers on construction sites is grim. The system of many subcontractors with partly informal employment relationships has solidified, and working as a construction helper on construction sites is dangerous, even sometimes deadly. The recognition of qualifications and experience is difficult for a Romanian worker – they would have to take the exam in German. Neither the responsible Federal Ministry of Building nor the President of the Federal Office for Building and Regional Planning, Petra Wesseler, have any real interest in ensuring that work on construction sites is safe and dignified for all involved. The simplest and most effective way to improve conditions on construction sites – the legal clarification of general contractor and investor liability – falls under the jurisdiction of the new Minister of Building, Verena Hubertz. However, it is unlikely that the businesswoman, former PWC manager, and start-up founder and CEO will implement this.

What we are concerned about

Effective protection against the exploitation conditions outlined can only be achieved if construction workers organize across cultures and nationalities. Reducing language barriers plays a crucial role in this, as well as, ideally, the dismantling of closed labor markets. Free global migration would likely lead to the harmonization of working conditions.

We demand open borders instead of the isolation of privileged regions – at the same time, we fight for good working conditions for all. This may initially sound like a contradiction, because an overcrowded labor market certainly leads to stronger competition, thereby complicating struggles, such as those for higher collective wages. But migrants bring important labor struggle experience with them. And a call for isolation would lead to serious problems. How can struggles be successfully fought solely on a local or national level when the demands are internationally similar and movements mutually enrich one another because experiences circulate across borders?!

We are concerned with an active movement that reduces and ultimately overcomes exploitation – without excluding other regions of the world. On the contrary: success for all of us is only possible if we rise up together.

AG baufau

1. This text is based on the study by Baumgarten, Beck & Firus 'Helpers or Skilled Workers? Migrant Workers in the German Construction Sector' (FES Study). It describes the problems faced by construction workers in a part of the construction industry (the building sector) in Germany. Nevertheless, we believe that this already reflects a large part of the exploitation to which migrant workers in the German construction sector in general are exposed. While the FES study starts from a market need – the shortage of skilled workers – for us, as a union of workers, the needs of ALL wage-dependent workers are the primary focus.
   ︎
2. The term 'foreigners' can be misleading, as it only includes people without a German passport. However, this also includes people who were born in Germany or have lived in Germany for years or even decades. As the length of stay increases, so does the ability to navigate the system, and it becomes less likely to be affected by extreme exploitation. We do not have data that would allow for a precise analysis in this regard. Therefore, we use the term 'migrant workers' here.
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3. Alle Ausführungen hier beziehen sich auf in Deutschland sozialversicherungspflichtige Arbeitskräfte. Daneben existieren andere Arbeitsverhältnisse wie Minijobs, illegale Arbeit und Scheinselbstständigkeit. ︎

Sources

(1) Lübbe, S. (2022). At the Bottom of the System. Report from the Rhine-Main Area. Online: https://taz.de/Reportage-aus-dem-Rhein-Main-Gebiet/!5897238/

(2) Elvis Iancu (2015). Speech by Elvis Iancu in April 2015 in front of the Mall of Shame in Berlin. Translation from Romanian. pp. 25-27. In:Lackus, H. & Schell, O. (2020). Mall of Shame. Kampf um Würde und Lohn. Rückblicke, Hintergründe, Ausblicke. Berlin: Die Buchmacherei.

(3) Baumgarten, M., Beck, L. & Firus, A. (2024). Helfer oder doch Fachkräfte? Migrantische Beschäftigte im deutschen Hochbau. FES diskurs. Mai 2024. Online: https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/a-p-b/21208.pdf

(4) Bundesagentur für Arbeit (2021). Klassifikation der Berufe 2010 – überarbeitete Fassung 2020. Band 2: Definitorischer und beschreibender Teil. Nürnberg, November 2021. Online: https://statistik.arbeitsagentur.de/DE/Statischer-Content/Grundlagen/Klassifikationen/Klassifikation-der-Berufe/KldB2010-Fassung2020/Printausgabe-KldB-2010-Fassung2020/Generische-Publikationen/KldB2010-PDF-Version-Band2-Fassung2020.pdf?__blob=publicationFile&v=21

(5) SOKA-BAU (2024) SOKA-BAU Informationen 2023. Online: https://api.soka-bau.de/fileadmin/Dokumente/geschaeftsbericht_soka-bau_2023.pdf (letzter Zugriff 29.07.2025).

(6) Lackhus, H. & Schell, O. (2020). Mall of Shame. Kampf um Würde und Lohn – Rückblicke, Hintergründe und Ausblicke. Berlin: Die Buchmacherei.

(7) Seitz, T. (2022). Between Guardian and Punisher: The Role of the German Inspectorate Finanzkontrolle Schwarzarbeit for Migrant Workers, Masterarbeit, Universität Linköping, https://liu.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1707636/FULLTEXT01.pdf (17.06.2025).

(8) Bundesagentur für Arbeit (2025). Westbalkanregelung. Online: https://www.arbeitsagentur.de/unternehmen/fachkraefte-ausland/westbalkanregelung (17.06.2025).

(9) Arbeit und Leben e.V. DGB/VHS. Beratungsnetzwerk Gute Arbeit. Online: https://arbeitundleben.de/arbeitsfelder/beratungsnetzwerk (24.06.2025).

(10) Faire Mobilität. Online: https://www.faire-mobilitaet.de/ (24.06.2025).

Ultimately, all of this was of no use to management: On Monday, the employees were able to successfully end the dispute, which was being held with the support of the IP, with a good result!

• 700 PLN(164,90 EUR) payraise instead of the 800 PLN demanded
• a 20 Minuten payed break of the originaly 30 min one, was able to be negotiated
• all Saturdays except one per month are recorded as overtime and not as unpaid as before

It turns out, fighting is worth it! And yet there’s still plenty of work to do in the future for our Polish colleagues!

And Wassertrüdingen?

Marcin Mróz, Managing Director and Board Member of Jeremias in Gniezno, is already laying the basis: „We are waiting for the trend to reverse, for the market to recover, and for us to be able to recoup the losses we have suffered.“ This sounds bad for all locations. It’s no coincidence that there is a large number of temporary and contract workers here, especially from Poland. Their jobs can be „adapted“ to meet the needs of the „market“ without regard for the interests of the employees.

Here, too, it is necessary for all employees to take to heart the „secret of success“ of the Gnieszno workforce: Ultimately, they were only successful through their organization in the IP, our Polish sister union. However, the strike in Gniezno has shown again that management is not giving the workforce anything for free.

Under Polish law, workers do not receive any pay for the days of the strike unless management subsequently agrees to pay them. The low wages are insufficient to support their families during the strike. The IP is still small and consists of workers who often earn only the Polish minimum wage. So, if you have the opportunity, please help us with a donation of any amount so we can support our members: www.zrzutka.pl/m2xrgk. If you have any problems with transfering, please write us at finanse@ozzip.pl or transfer the amount directly to our bank account, with the reference „Support for the strike at Jeremias.“

OZZ Inicjatywa Pracownicza, IBAN PL88 2130 0004 2001 0577 6570 0001, BIC/SWIFT-Code: INGBPLPW

While the fundraiser kicked off already, a severe earthquake hit Myanmar. Many houses and urban infrastructure were destroyed. Consequently we decided to open up the fundraiser to additionally support 200 families of workers who are affected by the earthquake with powerbanks, tarps and mosquito nets. Again, it were the members of FGWM who told us what they needed and what we should collect the funds for.

We are aware of the complexity when it comes to organizing money flows from people in “the West” to people in Southeast Asia, since such projects always contain hierarchies. At the same time we acknowledge that much of the wealth is accumulated in “the West” because of the exploitation in poverty striken regions with very low wages. Therefore we see a clear responsibility on our part to organize redistribution. Even if this is just a tiny share, we try to make a step towards the right direction.

We don't do charity: At the same time, we support the fight of our comrades who are fighting for a life of dignity. We organize demonstrations, like the one on March 8th in Hamburg, in front of the stores of brands whose labels are printed on products made in Myanmar, such as Only, H&M, Zara, Hunkemöller, NewYorker, Lululemon, and Adidas. In labor struggles, we address the management of the brands and factories on various levels. And occasionally, we raise money. As people in a more privileged part of the world – like Europe – we are directly connected to the sweat and labor of factory workers through the supply chain. Therefore, we have the responsibility to do our part in ending exploitation.

The comrades need support to keep up their struggles. Together we already raised money to finance safe houses, support for families of union members who lost their jobs because of their involvement in protests, pay for medical treatment or plan organizing workshops for workers. With our last fundraiser menstrual products were provided because the workers could not afford them anymore and risked infections when using left over fabric from the factories instead.

At the same time we – comrades of FAU and comrades of FGWM – rallied for free availability of menstrual products inside the factories, clean sanitary facilities and menstrual leave. Hang Kei factory – producing for Hunkemöller – did react and since May 2025 the toilets get cleaned regularly, there are menstrual pads in the factory clinic for all who need them, they installed ACs and there is a room for mothers who are nursing. It’s only one factory of many that we were reaching out to, but it is a start! Die Fabrik Hang Kei, die für Hunkemöller produziert, hat reagiert und seit Mai 2025 werden die Toiletten regelmäßig geputzt, es werden Binden in der Fabrik bereitgestellt für alle, die sie brauchen, es wurden Klimaanlagen installiert und es gibt einen Rückzugsraum für stillende Mütter. Es ist nur eine von vielen Fabriken, an die wir uns gewandt haben, aber es ist ein Anfang!

We need more comrades who support our joined actions so we can put more pressure on brands and factory owners around the world. It’s worth it.

Thank you all for supporting us!

Further information can be found here: https://www.fgwm-solidarity.org/

Solidarity is our weapon!
Dare to fight – dare to win!

Solidarität mit dem Streik der polnischen Kolleg* innen unserer Schwestergewerkschaft Inicjatywa Pracownicza (IP) in der Firma Jeremias in Gniezno! Seit dem 3. Juni streiken 80% der Produktionsarbeiter*innen in dem 300 Beschäftigten zählenden Werk. Sie kämpfen für 180 Euro monatliche Lohnerhöhung, längere bezahlte Pausen und dass die Überstunden nach einem Monat ausbezahlt werden, nicht erst nach einem Jahr.

Die deutsche Muttergesellschaft Jeremias Abgastechnik GmbH mit Sitz in Wassertrüdingen, Bayern hat ihren Umsatz zwischen 2015 und 2023 von 64 auf 210 Millionen Euro mehr als verdreifacht. Der fünfköpfige Vorstand der polnischen Tochterfirma zahlte sich selbst in 2024 über 1,8 Millionen Złoty (eine knappe halbe Million in Euro) aus. Gleichzeitig sollen die polnischen Arbeiter*innen mit Löhnen unter Branchendurchschnitt die Gewinne erwirtschaften. Das Unternehmen kassiert sogar staatliche Beihilfen für Gefangenenarbeit.

Der Arbeitskonflikt dauert bereits über acht Monate und mündete am 3.6. nach erfolgreicher Urabstimmung in den jetzigen Streik. Die Geschäftsführung hat zwei Gewerkschafter der IP entlassen und versucht die Streikenden in einem Lagerhaus ohne Wasserzugang zu isolieren. Sie droht mit Produktionsverlagerung und hat die US-Anwaltskanzlei Littler beauftragt, die Rechtmäßigkeit des Streiks anzufechten.

Die Kolleg_innen arbeiten unter schwierigen und gefährlichen Bedingungen mit schweren Metallteilen und schädlichen Chemikalien. Die schlechten Arbeitsbedingungen in Polen drücken auch die Standards in Deutschland. Deshalb rufen wir als FAU und IP besonders die deutschen Kolleg*innen im Stammwerk Wassertrüdingen auf: Lasst euch nicht als Streikbrecher missbrauchen! Der Streik in Gniezno ist auch im Interesse der Beschäftigten in Wassertrüdingen.

Unterstützt den Streik:

• Spendet für den Streikfonds: Zrzutka: Wesprzyj strajkujących w Jeremias! | Ogólnopolski Związek Zawodowy Inicjatywa Pracownicza
• Sendet Solidaritätsbotschaften: kontakt@ozzip.pl

Solidarity Forever! Solidarność na zawsze!
FAU Hamburg

Am diesjährigen 1. Mai haben wir uns als FAU Hamburg gefreut, gemeinsam mit anderen antiautoritären Gruppen die revolutionäre 1. Mai-Demonstration in Lübeck zu unterstützen. Unter dem Motto „Selbstorganisiert und antiautoritär – gegen Kapitalismus und jede Herrschaft!“ zog die Demo durch die Straßen der Lübecker Innenstadt, getragen von einer starken Solidarität zwischen den teilnehmenden Gruppen und einer klaren antikapitalistischen Botschaft.

Zudem sah sich die Demo inhaltlich auch als Teil der „Global Mayday“-Kampagne, verwendete deren Logo in Banner und Flyern und mit Hinweis auf die Webseite globalmayday.net. Außerdem unterstützen wir die Solidaritätskampagne für die FGWM – fgwm-solidarity.org

Die Organisation dieser kämpferischen Demonstration wurde durch die lokale FAU Lübeck, die Jugendgruppe La Rage, das Hausprojekt Marlene, reso.media/antikapitalistische Agentur, Food not Bombs Lübeck sowie die FAU Hamburg getragen. Besonders beeindruckend war die Vielzahl der solidarischen Redebeiträge und kreativen Aktionen. Die erste Reihe der Demo war von FLINTA*-Personen gebildet, was die antiautoritäre und feministische Ausrichtung der Veranstaltung verdeutlichte.

Ein Highlight war die Zwischenkundgebung auf dem Marktplatz, bei er es einen Redebeitrag von Aktiven der Arbeitsgruppe Asien unserer Gewerkschaftsinternationalen IKA (Internationale Konföderation der Arbeiter*innen) zu der Situation in den Textilfabriken in Myanmar und der Solidaritätsarbeit und der Crowdfundingkampagne für Menstruationsproduke in den Fabriken und einen Redebeitrag von kurdischen Genoss*innen zu der Situation in Rojava und der Frage, warum die kurdische Freiheitsbewegung Teil des Kampfes am 1.Mai ist.
Ein besonderer Moment war die Performance des Antifa-Chors, der mit eindrucksvollen Liedern und musikalischer Begleitung die Demo bereicherte und einen unvergesslichen Eindruck hinterließ.

Die zweite Zwischenkundgebung fand am Klingenberg statt, wo die FAU Hamburg mit einem Redebeitrag zur Geschichte des 1. Mai und dem Kampf für den 8-Stunden-Tag beitrug, dabei die Forderung nach einer radikalen Arbeitszeitverkürzung in den Vordergrund stellte. La Rage sprach über die Situation der Jugend im Kapitalismus und warum auch für junge Menschen der Kapitalismus überwunden werden muss.

Die Abschlusskundgebung vor der Musik- und Kongresshalle bot ebenfalls wichtige Redebeiträge: Das Hausprojekt Marlene sprach über Wohnen im Kapitalismus und das Mietshäusersyndikat als Modell für selbstverwaltetes, nichtkapitalistisches Wohnen. Die FAU Lübeck thematisierte die Auswirkungen von KI im Kapitalismus, die Klimakatastrophe sowie den Widerstand gegen Rüstung und Krieg. Abschließend wurde ein Gedicht von Erich Mühsam vorgelesen, und einige kurdische Genoss*innen sowie andere Demo-Teilnehmende tanzten zu kurdischer Musik.

Auch wenn das Wetter unbeständig war, blieb die Stimmung der Demonstration kämpferisch und entschlossen. Die FAU Hamburg konnte nicht nur inhaltlich, sondern auch praktisch zum Erfolg der Demo beitragen und so das solidarische Miteinander der verschiedenen antikapitalistischen Gruppen weiter stärken.

Nach der Demo beteiligte sich die FAU Hamburg auch am Maifest des Solizentrums Walli, wo ein Infotisch aufgebaut war. Dort konnten viele Exemplare der „Direkten Aktion“ verteilt und zahlreiche Gespräche mit Interessierten geführt werden. Es war eine wunderbare Gelegenheit, unsere Ideen und unsere Solidarität mit den Menschen in Lübeck zu teilen.

Wir danken allen, die diese Demo unterstützt haben, und freuen uns auf die weitere Zusammenarbeit mit den Genoss*innen von der FAU Lübeck und den vielen anderen Gruppen, die dieses Event zu einem Erfolg gemacht haben. Die FAU Hamburg wird auch weiterhin einen klaren antiautoritären, antikapitalistischen und revolutionären 1. Mai mitgestalten und unsere Stimme gegen die bestehenden Ausbeutungs- und Herrschaftsverhältnisse erheben.

Wir freuen uns schon auf nächstes Jahr – auf eine noch stärkere Demo und eine noch größere Solidarität in Lübeck!

Eure FAU Hamburg

Wann und Wo?
Treffpunkt: Hamburg Hauptbahnhof, Gleis 6a-c
Uhrzeit: 8:45 Uhr (wir nehmen den Zug um 09:06 Uhr)
In Lübeck nehmen wir gemeinsam an der revolutionären Demo teil und feiern anschließend auf dem Maifest im Solizentrum.

Wir möchten in einer möglichst großen Gruppe nach Lübeck fahren und die Ortssektion tatkräftig unterstützen. Bringt gerne eure Freund*innen, Familie oder Bekannte mit – je mehr, desto stärker!

Lasst uns zusammen den 1. Mai zu einem unvergesslichen, kämpferischen Tag machen!

We look forward to seeing you!

Eure FAU Hamburg